| Great
sea changes of thought or opinion are rare in British public
life, taking place perhaps only once or twice in a generation.
But
there is abundant evidence that we are undergoing one now.
Until
only a few months ago, mainstream British politicians were
extremely cautious about articulating the fears and resentments
felt by many ordinary people on the subject of mass immigration.
Those
who spoke out publicly (Enoch Powell's 'rivers of blood' speech
is the notorious example) were ostracised. Political parties
which raised the issue were thrust beyond the outer margins
of debate - the fate of the National Front and the BNP.
This
self-restraint has now vanished. Practically every day for
the past two weeks, another minister has insulted the customs,
habits or religious beliefs of Britain's Muslim minority.
The
most recent assault, which came just hours after the subject
was discussed at a Cabinet meeting in Downing Street, was
launched by Hilary Armstrong on Question Time and came with
the full authority of the Prime Minister.
Harriet
Harman, Tessa Jowell, Peter Hain, Gordon Brown, Tony Blair,
Ruth Kelly and a number of other frontline Labour politicians
have also entered the fray.
It
is now clear that Jack Straw's comments on women who wear
the veil were not, as seemed likely at the time, the result
of some random rumination. He surely set out with the intention
of putting in motion a national campaign.
In
other words, Labour has made the extraordinary decision to
place the politics of religious identity at the centre of
public discourse, in the same sort of way that Jorg Haider's
Freedom Party does in Austria and Pim Fortuyn's List Party
did in the Netherlands.
Criticisms
of this tactic in the Press - which was so derogatory about
Michael Howard's timid excursion into similar terrain 18 months
ago - have been few and far between.
On
the contrary, Jack Straw's comments have liberated the media
to follow suit. It seems every day now brings forth news of
an outrage allegedly perpetrated somewhere by a Muslim.
Many
of the stories - such as the front page claims two weeks ago
that a Muslim man had shouted abuse in a hospital at a British
soldier wounded in Iraq, or the allegation that a terrorist
suspect used the veil to evade detection - are impossible
to substantiate and may well turn out to be fabrications.
Some
people will feel glad that the subject of Islam is being widely
aired at last. And it is perfectly true that many of the comments
made by ministers, whether Jack Straw on the veil or Ruth
Kelly on the need to keep an eye on 'extremism', contain grains
of good sense.
But
cumulatively this litany of condemnation has turned into an
anti-Islamic crusade. I am a practising member of the Church
of England and if we had come under the same wave of condemnation
for our practices and traditions I would by now be affronted
beyond belief.
If
I were Jewish, with the experience of the 20th century to
look back on, and came under the same weight of hostility
I would be terrified.
There
is a whiff of the lynch mob about the wave of attacks over
the past fortnight, and it is no surprise to learn that the
new national mood sparked by Jack Straw and sanctioned by
Tony Blair has indeed led to a number of assaults on British
mosques, including one firebombing.
There
have also been reports of a sharp rise of physical assaults
on Muslims.
It
is nothing short of appalling that the Blair government has
been ready to countenance this change in public culture, but
I think three main factors lie behind Labour's campaign against
Islam.
The
first is a genuine belief that it is extremely difficult to
reconcile Muslim fundamentalism with full membership of British
society. I know from many personal conversations -that Phil
Woolas, the minister for race relations - who last week intervened
in the row over the classroom assistant Aisha Azmi by calling
for her to be sacked - has long held this view.
At
last year's General Election Woolas - who unlike his colleagues
has the merit of being consistent - put the Union Flag on
his campaign literature and highlighted 'anti-white racism'
as a vital issue in his Oldham constituency.
Many
experts expected that Woolas would lose this marginal seat,
but his tactics ensured that his vote surged, an outcome that
was carefully noted by the Millbank electoral machine.
My
guess is that Labour strategists have now calculated that
the Muslim coalition of voters, which was so stalwartly behind
the party in 1997 and 2001, is now lost for ever as a result
of the Iraq War.
Rather
than try to win them back, Labour has cut its losses, and
decided instead to stir up racial tension as a means of appealing
directly to the white working-class vote. Labour activists
tell me Jack Straw's remarks have proved 'incredibly resonant'
on the doorstep.
This
callous strategy has one extra attraction: it confuses the
Tories. In the 1997 and 2001 elections, William Hague and
Michael Howard rather hesitantly raised the abuse of the asylum
system only to be denounced by Labour for running 'racist'
campaigns.
As
a consequence of this experience, the Conservatives plumped
for David Cameron and swore a self-denying ordinance on the
subject of immigration.
With
awesome cynicism, Labour has now moved directly into the ground
vacated by the Conservatives, only with far greater assurance.
It is now engaging with issues that Michael Howard would never
have dared even to mention.
So
far the Conservative response has been impressive. To his
credit, David Cameron has braved internal criticism by refusing
to join in some kind of bidding war with Labour.
Instead,
the Tory leader has gently rebuked Labour for victimising
Muslims. I hope he will speak out much more strongly on the
subject in due course.
That
said, it must be admitted that this is very clever stuff from
Tony Blair. There is every sign the strategy is working and
I am sure that Labour will continue to deploy what used to
be called the race card right up to next year's May elections
and beyond. But playing politics with Islam is reckless beyond
belief.
In
the wake of last year's London atrocity, the Prime Minister
promised to engage with the mainstream Muslim community. He
never really tried to do so - the 'working parties' set up
in the wake of the July bombings met just two or three times,
they were not listened to, and their recommendations were
ignored.
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